Interview with Secretary General of PCPE
Letter Insurxente.org
Boas
Mandovi insurgent did the interview the Secretary General of PCPE,
insurgency continues with the round of interviews with leaders of rightist parties. After nine Master Current Red today interviews with Carmelo Suárez, secretary general of PCPE.
1. How would you define the political situation
PCPE For this is a crisis in the system. In the overlap of the financial crisis, energy and eco-An overproduction crisis, fundamentally linked to the structural crisis of capitalism, where capitalism is incapable to maintain the cycle of reproduction of capital. It has capacity to produce goods, but are not given the conditions to sell them. There are homes, vehicles, household appliances, etc.. but can not sell. This is a crisis of falling tendency of the rate of profit. The analysis is that Marxism is the failure of capitalism as a social system that history, as it develops further sharpens its contradictions and its inability to keep the logic of capital accumulation. In this sense, it is compared with the 29 crisis, because crisis is a long haul. There is a crisis that is resolved with cash injection of financial capital, nor con políticas keynesianas de investimento público para con iso tratar de crear emprego e relanzar a demanda interna. Non é unha crise que se vaia resolver con certo movemento táctico do capitalismo, senón que vai necesitar o que todo o sistema capitalista recorre como táctica: a destrución de forzas produtivas, para volver reiniciar o ciclo de reprodución ampliada do capital.
A estratexia do sistema para a unha destrución masiva das forzas produtivas é o que aínda non está claro. Evidentemente, hai tendencias. Hai episodios que se están dando, que poden ser indicativos de por onde poden ir as cousas. Pero estamos no principio da crise, e aínda non se sabe como van operar the individuals involved and what degree of violence will develop the system of domination superestructura to try to recover the situation. The most extreme level of violence would be an imperialist war in a brutal scale. But it is difficult to predict how this scenario would be war. For now there is a war diffuse spread over different places on the planet that can continue to expand as such war diffuse, but one should not discard most violent episodes, the more concentrated the imperialist war that it is creating such a condition and a massive destruction of productive forces.
Regardless of recourse to war, which now appears in a view Uncertain about how they could develop this scenario. What is certain is that there is a process of social exclusion, marginalization, taking the world of production in many millions of workers. An intervention that, in terms of geopolitics, condemns the entire countries to utter misery. Condemning them to be non-viable, wrong countries. Drawing upon the logic of the system. For example in the case of Haiti, it demonstrates the coincidence of the earthquake, the desperate situation that the population lives, being a party to the planet with more natural resources and abundant wealth. As today is a country that 50 years in sight vai carecer de calquera recurso vexetal e de auga.
Hai unha parte do capitalismo que se desenvolve nesa clave, nesa liña tamén se sitúa a situación de Somalia, algunha parte dos países subsaharianos; excluídos de toda lóxica do sistema de relacións internacionais. Países aos que se condena á miseria, ao decrecimiento da esperanza de vida da súa poboación. Aínda que permanentemente se dea en África, nese escenario o capitalismo central aparte de seguir as políticas de espolio e saqueo nos países neocolonizados, recorre ao único elemento flexible que ten a lóxica do capitalismo central: a explotación da forza de traballo, reducir o prezo que se paga por esa workforce, and this mechanism to try restore the process of accumulation of the workforce. With an internal contradiction that makes this political line. By reducing the amount it pays for power, lowering the purchasing power and domestic demand. In the countries of central capitalism, this is always a key determinant of GDP growth. The key factor of capitalist accumulation is not active. What remains as a key element is the booty and plunder the periphery of the system.
Thus, the vast majority of English Multinationals like Telefonica, Banco Santander, Repsol, etc. the percentage of profit is greater when the case of countries outside that from Spain. This is a historical trend for this failure of the capitalist system, in addition to the product neocolonial imperialist logic that develops with several governments in the country: the social position, the neo-liberal fascist PP. Already be some more balance to Eastern Europe, Latin America, and trying to put something in his hand in Africa. Therefore, this situation has set the stage with the world capitalist center which makes the whole planet to plunder of raw materials, capital resources, and the impossibility of any hope for development in the setting of the world capitalist system. When speaking
underdeveloped countries, not because they are not able to develop, but underdevelopment is a consequence of the development of others. This is an alley with no outlet for people. The only hope is when people start these processes of national liberation. Processes independent of the imperialist center. This is where the contradiction appears and in the case of countries facing this logic, the imperialist aggression, or war. Thus the case of Iraq, Afghanistan, involutionary processes in Latin America, the processes of coups and other tactics that can invent the next period to have these countries subordinados.
Nese escenario, o capitalismo central configúrase e perde a súa careta de capitalismo de rostro humano capaz de ofrecer unhas capacidades de consumo a sectores amplos da poboación. Aparece o capitalismo depredador para a súa propia clase obreira e a súa propia base social. Os elementos de consenso e lexitimación social que puideron funcionar anteriormente baixo a base expansiva última do sistema capitalista, sofren unha quebra e empeza a aparecer a evidencia da loita de clases, cunha claridade que no ciclo anterior non existía, e que era máis difícil de apreciar no conxunto da base social. Nesa agudización das contradicións de clase, é onde corresponde que o destacamento revolucionario intervene with policy response. Putting the working class in a position to give battle to defend his welfare. The working class has a distinct class of the bourgeoisie and the oligarchy accommodated. The disxuntiva between welfare and rights, and the oligarchy reduced to 1,500 people in this country control 80% of GDP. An oligarchy that was a brutal process of concentration in the operation of democratic transition, they call them, and that today is expressed in a small group of people who represent an even smaller group of people who control virtually all the country's economy .
2. What is your opinion regarding the PCPE ás reformas expostas polo Goberno de Zapatero?
Nesta situación, calquera Goberno que ocupe a sede da Moncloa, sexa do PP ou do PSOE, a única posibilidade que teñen de xestionar o sistema é aplicar as prácticas que impón e dita esa oligarquía española, ao mesmo tempo que o proxecto imperialista europeo. Resulta gráfico que o decretazo de Zapatero leva ao Congreso logo dunha reunión en Bruxelas, onde se atopaba a Ministra de Economía, e tras unha chamada directa de Obama. Neste sistema non hai flexibilidade para consensos sociais. Certa repartición dalgunha parte do excedente capitalista e as políticas únicas que o sistema pode aplicar, son as políticas de axuste brutal living conditions and work of the popular sectors. That's what makes today's party, the PP did, if he touched, or made a government of national concentration, get on this hypothesis of social consensus.
Thus, the strategy is the mobilization and articulation of the working class around a political project, which has not aimed at reestablishing the consensus within capitalism. But progress in the articulation of class unity and the ability of working class struggle to articulate a proposal that would logically have to look at socialism. From the PCPE, we believe that we continue living a historic moment that was inaugurated with the October Revolution of 1917 que é a etapa de transición do capitalismo ao socialismo. Os períodos históricos van máis aló dos procesos biolóxicos, desenvólvense con todas as súas contradicións internas, os seus procesos de avances e de retrocesos. Os procesos vividos a finais do s.XX e principios do s.XXI podería levar a alguén a pensar que realmente esa caracterización da etapa histórica como unha etapa de transición entre o capitalismo e o socialismo foi unha expresión excesivamente optimista.
Pero nós, consideramos que esta etapa histórica segue a estar caracterizada por unha transición do capitalismo ao socialismo. O obxectivo da loita de clases é colocar ese horizonte á clase obreira, sobretodo dos países centrais que non quedan en ningunha marxe para as burguesías nacionais. O que quedan delas transita nun certo período democrático, de revolución democrática que aínda que puidesen producir unha alianza da clase obreira e sectores populares con sectores da burguesía para transitar esa etapa de cubrir o reinado democrático. Consideramos hoxe, o proceso de concentración de capital e de conformación da oligarquía afastado fora do bloque do poder. Aparte da burguesía que progresivamente vai quedando excluída e vai ata sendo en parte proletarizada. Obxectivamente vai ter os seus intereses ao lado do bloque antioligárquico e antimonopolista. Quen debe exercer a dirección política, the proposal is the working class hegemony. Why design a new model of society free of capitalist exploitation and as Marx said "offers a perspective of equality and social justice to the vast majority of the societies of central capitalism.
3. Given this situation, which is the proposal of PCPE?
The proposal puts the PCPE today is to articulate the social political bloc led by the working class. To place an anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist political program that the vertebra to expose and fight in his time, and the extent of development of the contradiction and the accumulation of forces, socialist solidarity to the system of domination. In these coordinates, PCPE's position differs substantially reformist position that does not expose the goal of socialism, nor the critical character of the imperialist project of the EU. Agudización crisis scenario and the class struggle, are exhibiting a range of policies that the palliative is trying to guide the working class and popular sectors for a social consensus within the framework of capitalism. Trying docificar some of its most violent expressions against the working class and popular sectors. This policy line that is defending the European Left party is a functional line to the system of domination that you will never have a problem because there is part do sistema que reclame algúns espazos dentro do sistema. O capitalismo ten a capacidade de concepción táctica para nun determinado momento facer algún tipo de concesión e evitar o conflito social porque ao final o que prevalece, e o que domina, son os seus intereses oligárquicos.
A disxuntiva histórica, exposta no seu momento, entre reforma ou revolución. Segue sendo a disxuntiva actual da loita de clases e da pugna ideolóxica polo reformismo e as posicións revolucionarias do PCPE. Situándose ao lado das posicións dos que defendemos unha saída revolucionaria desta situación. Entendendo que son procesos de certo percorrido, de articulación de forzas e, loxicamente, de crear as conditions for the working class can expose these higher goals. Today one can not explain the position of depoliticization that does not allow mobilize and articulate with these capabilities. To the extent that it becomes more explicit in the contradictions of class, the working class can make a faster route to their processes of awareness and the assimilation process of its interests. At this point, we can move toward a joint force that may cause the revolutionary crisis and therefore disxuntiva the disappearance of the oligarchy and dominant interests.
4. Could a minimum program with other popular organizations and revolutionary forces in Spain?
this temporal concept of development to get to cause the revolutionary crisis. There is a whole concept of alliances. Some of which will be performed in tactics, in a certain part of the route. Others however are a strategic level, with the forces and social sectors who really want a revolutionary outcome of the situation. In this sense, we agree with the Union proletarian, CR, Alliance of anti-imperialist intellectuals, and some organizations more, a manifesto of support to the strike of June 8 the civil service. Calls at the same time this is a first step toward a mobilization strategy for continuous the General Strike. We are awaiting the response of other forces with which he spoke and compartiuse this joint proposal. We express our willingness and commitment to work with all political, union and social orientation are the same. In
minimum program and agree to share will have the following points: 1
. The nationalization of banks, an element that is perceived in society today for looting and brutal bank robbery is performing economies
two families of workers. Measures to protect working class, work or unemployment insurance indefinite
3. Exit from the EU, because the policies that are occurring in the country matches a discipline imposed from the EU since the Treaty of Lisbon. The EU is demonstrating some internal contradictions and brutal where the Paris-Berlin axis absolute makes manifest. The EU expresses itself as an imperialist project that has nothing to do with the sovereignty of the people, nor the interests of the working class. Some forces are still calling for a Europe of social, where it is thought that this imperialist project may come back with a more social expression to the PCPE that'sa fact impossible.
4. Disappearance of all spending parasite, the Royal Family and military spending, the millionaire funding of the Catholic Church, and the abandonment by the English Government, of all imperialistic military missions, onde se atopan hoxe as tropas mercenarias.
5. Dereitos iguais para toda a clase obreira, negando a discriminación entre inmigrantes e non inmigrantes. Acabar coas leis de estranxeiría e de calquera tipo de discriminación.
6. Procesos constituíntes cara á Terceira República, como un elemento de democratización. É necesario que este estado monárquico herdado polo franquismo, siga sendo unha cuestión pendente polas forzas populares e revolucionarias no estado español.
Este programa de mínimos, con todos eses contidos, ou a súa maior parte, é un programa que estamos dispostos a acordar cun amplo abano de forzas políticas, sindicais e sociais. Escoitaremos outras propostas con moito respecto e interese. As forzas políticas que queiran levar a cabo un proceso destas características, colocarán a súa proposta para poder dialogala e chegar a un acordo. É un reto que chama a todas as forzas revolucionarias, actuando na práctica para facer viables os discursos. Articular hoxe no estado español un polo político dese calado, con eses contidos e con eses suxeitos, cambiaría radicalmente a correlación de forzas á loita de clases no estado español.
É posible, é necesario e o PCPE chama aos responsables de cada forza política e sindical. O PCPE vai estar empuxando con todas as súas forzas e todas as súas capacidades para tratar de que isto avance, aínda others take the initiative will also stay with the willingness to listen and add to our proposal. We give the conditions and time limits should not be discarded. With the proposal of the Popular Bloc, the Left Bloc, or other name. An alliance representing political and social discourse and a policy proposal different from what we heard today by the joint forces of the system.
5. What are the relations of PCPE internationally? And what do you think are the new forces emerging anti-imperialist, and possible alliances?
Getting the most practical and ideological, broader and broader. Internationally it is the international communist journal, where today we are 13 communist parties, the Marxist-Leninists, who worked with political and ideological unity around this journal. In the same conception of revolutionary struggle and the ideological framework in which we define ourselves by uniting these forces.
is an extremely important step, from the standpoint of recovery of the revolutionaries that led to the first issue of this magazine and is preparing the second number. This will be an invaluable tool to advance the restoration of unity between revolutionaries internationally.
On the other hand, there are meetings of communist and workers parties that take more de 15 anos producíndose e que son un avance importante doutro nivel. Hai correntes e tendencias distintas, posicións claramente revolucionarias e outras que se instalan máis no campo do reformismo, pero onde se mantén un diálogo, un nivel de encontro e de comunicación de distintas análises políticas que axudan a avanzar procesos de unidade, sen que os encontros consoliden unha estrutura organizativa concreta, máis aló do encontro anual.
O PCPE mantén unha serie de relacións bilaterais sobre a base da coincidencia nos proxectos políticos que traballamos dun xeito especial. A ese nivel, hai partidos comunistas ao longo do planeta cos cales nós compartimos amplamente a posición ideolóxica and the political project, as the Greek Communist Party, the Communist Party of Cuba, the Communist Party of Venezuela, to name a few. The expression of all this, is the release of 21 European communist parties in relation to the European elections.
At another level, the PCPE promotes a broader strategy of alliances, anti-imperialist, with meetings at international level. We believe it is a necessity to unite a much broader social base that can create a large block of the masses against international imperialism. There are various forums and meetings without it being consolidated as a clear organizational structure.
Regarding the proposal Hugo Chavez, the Fifth International, we realize that a proposal is excessively willful, since there are no conditions. Although we believe this proposal should be directed to the creation of the Popular Front anti-imperialist. When Chavez speaks of the Fifth International, the content and subjects to whom it has one more match with a Popular Front anti-imperialist with the recovery of a Revolutionary Communist International. There are many games that are working in that direction, and they are doing this kind of reflection. There will be meetings in the coming months and many organizations believe that the place what it takes to lead this initiative is to this process and for fundamental elements of proletarian internationalism as the PCPE is absolutely committed to its ideological position with the working class, as a single class international. Where the theme of solidarity with Cuba, the struggle for freedom against the blockade of May, the Palestinian people struggle for their national rights and the right to form their own state, or the struggle of other peoples of Latin America or Africa, are part the collection of political PCPE.
Our practice is absolutely committed internationalist, in which the PCPE not for restrictions since the apparatus of power can try to put it. The PCPE is sympathetic to the FARC, with any Posting revolutionary who is acting anywhere in the world and use tactics to fight it deems most appropriate to their particular conditions of oppression and domination. Even if you are stigmatized by imperialism and in a matter of putting them in an enclosure in the whole scene. We'll always act accordingly and maintain our revolutionary engagement with all political forces in those processes popular, national and revolutionary. Characterizes the military actions of imperialism as acts of aggression to people. The actions of state terrorism, intelligence, espionage, crime and killings, the Mossad, the CIA and the CNI, caracterizámolas complaint as a clear and direct in what we believe proletarian internationalism is above any restriction that the dominant forces can do. A key element of PCPE is the independence and sovereignty of our project. We consider this as an essential element for the whole of the international revolutionary movement not to be domesticated within the limits of bourgeois democracy, increasingly diminished, tries to impose revolutionary movements.
6. What would have told workers in relation to the crisis we are living and staying in time? The first explanations
the crisis for the working class in working class neighborhoods in these three years, we used a very graphic expression. Even more in the beginning when most silent speech as "in six months we went out of the crisis," see the light at the end of the tunnel, "there are green shoots, etc.. diciámoslles workers, "if you want help holding out that capitalism goes back a little, we suggest to accept lower wages for half and see how capitalism back quickly to the crisis. But one thing is clear, after the crisis does not recover lost earnings, but will continue to work in these conditions "
This graphic illustration of what was happening, podémoslles say today that does not stoop to half, but some people if you downloaded the salary, for example in the construction sector. The Government will downgrade earnings coordinated with the employer and financial capital, and this is the time to fight, to be convinced that capitalism has nothing to offer the working class. Early on, had some historical advances that have made significant changes to the working class, but that this process initially revolutionary, modernizing later, historically has been exhausted in its entirety. Today capitalism which can offer the working class is becoming more oppression, more violence and more control. The challenge is build a new society where the rights of the working class are the leaders of this new social model.
In relation to this crisis there are two possible scenarios: 1
. He goes back to crisis, as Lenin said "it is able to trace any crisis." Remount the crisis without the struggle of workers, by which the working class goes to the workplace with Grillet physically.
2. The working class decides to fight, facing the power, and puts proposed alternative policies that uphold the interests of the masses. Then out of the crisis, will be better conditions for the working class. If you want the
Grillet, the Domestication and absolute waiver of rights and freedoms and the fulfillment of the individual, condenaranse the dictatorship of capital. But if you want to improve living conditions, freedom, a society that takes advantage of the great scientific development engineer to the welfare of all humanity. In this case, we must fight. We need to do-revolutionary or revolutionary, and must be added to a project for the creation of a socialist society. This is the disxuntiva which today has the working class, to be free or slave. And we call the working class to be free.
